WHAT
DOES RON PAUL WANT?
MORE THAN THE WHITE HOUSE - A MOVEMENT PRIMED FOR VICTORY
By: Justin Raimondo
This is the question puzzling Paul's friends, as well as his enemies. A
recent announcement by the campaign that the anti-interventionist Congressman and
presidential candidate is not spending money in the remaining primary states provoked a
Drudge headline: "Paul Out." That is the GOP Establishment's fondest wish, but
the reality is that Paul is far from "out": his campaign is merely recalibrating
its tactics, concentrating on getting delegates through the complicated and often arcane
process of party caucuses and state conventions. In short, Paul is pursuing the very same
strategy he's been talking about since Day One of his remarkably successful campaign:
harnessing the enthusiasm and discipline of his supporters to enter a basically hostile
entity the pro-war, pro-Big Government Republican party and challenging the
Powers That Be.
There has been all kinds of loose talk about a "deal" being struck
with the Romneyites, an impression pushed by the "mainstream" media and other
clueless individuals who know little or nothing of Ron and imagine he's just another
politician. They are wrong. There will be no endorsement of Mitt Romney, and, because of
that, no quarter will be given or is being given to Paulians intent on
embedding themselves within the Grand Old Party.
The "go local" strategy of the Paul camp has recently met with a
string of high profile successes: they took over the party in Alaska, Nevada, Iowa,
Minnesota, Maine, and Colorado, and their delegate count is skyrocketing. Precinct by
precinct, county by county, state by state, the Ron Paul Revolution is racking up
victories and the Romneyites are in a panic. Due to that panic, they are employing
hard-line tactics, often simply closing down local conventions when it becomes clear the
Paulians have a majority. They cut off the microphones, call the cops, and whine that the
insurgents are "disrupting" a process the party bosses have controlled for as
long as anyone can remember. At one point, attendees at a state Republican convention saw
the walls literally closing in on them, as Rachel Maddow reported in a segment on MSNBC.
Using force, fraud, and their friends in the media, the Romneyites are
determined to block Paul and his movement from having any visibility at the August
national GOP convention, to be held in Tampa, Florida. What they want is a coronation:
what they will get is a full-blown insurgency in their midst.
The key tactical question is this: will the Establishment even allow Paul's
name to be placed in nomination? GOP rules requires that, in order to do so, the Paul camp
must have a plurality of the delegates in at least five states. Given the series of Paul
victories at the local level, one would think this threshold has already been reached
but that's not at all clear, given two factors. The first is that, in some states
where the Paulians took control of the proceedings, many of those delegates legally bound
to vote for Romney on the first ballot are actually Paul supporters. If they rebel in
Tampa, however, there's no telling what might happen. There seems to be no rule forbidding
them from abstaining on the first ballot, and that, in itself, would be a very visible and
powerful protest precisely the sort of dissent the Romneyites justifiably fear.
The second factor is the attitude of the Romney camp. Relatively good
personal relations between Romney and Paul to the contrary notwithstanding, top officials
in the Romney campaign are reportedly taking a hard line against the Paulians and
are disinclined to allow Paul to even be nominated from the floor. Although by the time
the party convenes in Tampa Romney will presumably attain the magic number of delegates
required for nomination, even the formality of allowing opposition to manifest itself
during the proceedings could cause a stampede like a bank run. Conservatives have
been very reluctant to get on the Romney bandwagon and make their peace with the
Flip-Flopper, and the sight of open resistance could be the spark that sets off a prairie
fire. You can't blame them for not wanting to take that chance which is why I
believe the anti-Paul hard-liners in the Romney camp will prevail over the more reasonable
types who don't want to unduly alienate the Paulistas. Forget the formal rules, forget
parliamentary procedure the Romneyites are ready to throw out the rule book and
take organizational measures against the last gasp of dissent within the party.
If that happens if the Romneyites lock out the Paul people, and refuse
to permit Ron's name to be entered in nomination there is going to be trouble in
Tampa. Given the security arrangements, and the volatile atmosphere, it won't take much
for the GOP Establishment to play their favorite trump card: brute force. They've done it
at several Republican state conventions, when the Paulians turned out in such numbers as
to constitute a majority, and they certainly won't hesitate to do so on the national
stage.
I don't envy the Paul delegates. Given the highly militarized
"security" being prepared for the convention, Tampa will be swarming with cops,
Homeland Security thugs, and private agents provocateurs, all just itching
for an incident a defining moment, if you will that will frame the Paulians
as kooky disruptors and assert Romney's hegemony over the party in a symbolic and
violent way. I wouldn't be surprised if even the act of wearing a Paul button is
grounds for harassing delegates and their guests. Anyone who acts or looks out of place,
who isn't wearing a suit and tie and exhibits other tell-tale signs of not having the
correct political leanings is bound to find themselves under intense scrutiny, and worse.
Ron Paul's revolution has been so successful because the GOP Establishment it
is fighting is intellectually bankrupt and politically hollow: the neoconservatives who
dominate the party's "idea shop" are basically hostile to the radical
anti-government elements on the rise in the GOP, and Romney has zero grassroots support.
This is why the Paulians have been able to easily overwhelm the party Establishment at the
level of local and state conventions. What makes the Romneyites hopping mad is that the
genuine passion generated by the Paul movement underscores the utter emptiness of their
candidate and the party apparatus. That the Romney campaign has had to resort to fraud
ballot-box stuffing, distributing phony lists of delegate slates, abruptly
adjourning when they're outnumbered has been amply documented by Paul's supporters:
this particularly riles the Romneyites because it shows the lack of character in their
candidate and his campaign.
Eager to get on to the main business of seizing power from Barack Obama, the
Romney people are impatient with this business of party democracy and they can be
expected to short circuit the rules in order to brush Paul and his supporters aside. As I
said above: there's going to be trouble in Tampa -- not only outside the fortress-like
compound in which the proceedings will take place, on the streets, where protesters of
every stripe are expected in full force, but in the inner sanctum itself.
With all this drama building to a crescendo in August, Ron Paul is taking the
long view he's said this at every turn. What Romney's strategists, the media, and
the party Establishment don't get is that what they're dealing with here is not a
political campaign but a political movement. Campaigns culminate in either
victory or defeat: they have a beginning, a middle, and an end. Ideological movements, on
the other hand, develop over a longer period of time, and evolve in response to changing
circumstances. |
The movement currently energized by Paul's candidacy has been a part of the
Republican coalition since the early 1990s: it is a movement that, as Paul has often
pointed out, traces its roots back to the days when Sen. Robert A. Taft earned the
sobriquet "Mr. Republican." Contrary to what the Washington pundits will tell
you, the modern GOP has had an anti-interventionist wing since the first Gulf war, when
Pat Buchanan and his supporters wondered aloud if the Emir of Kuwait's throne was worth
the life of a single American soldier. The movement was small back then, but like
today both vocal and energetic. A libertarian contingent led by Murray Rothbard and
his followers, who had left the Libertarian Party, provided much of the ideological and
tactical rationale for this early manifestation of the Paulian tendency in the GOP.
Indeed, in 1992, Paul was getting ready to enter the Republican presidential primary but
stepped aside when he got word of Buchanan's decision to launch a White House bid.
Paul's 2012 campaign is a watershed for this movement: the Good Doctor has
expanded its numbers and influence far beyond what any of us imagined possible back in the
day. The scope and significance of his political achievement is literally a dream come
true and the dream will not die in Tampa. Far from it. The movement led by Paul
will continue in many forms, and not only in the world of pure politics.
This web site, for one, is a key part of one important aspect of the broad
anti-interventionist/pro-civil liberties/"anti-government" movement it's
intellectual and journalistic manifestation. A movement has many moving parts, which are
usually not organizationally connected: as in the market economy, the marketplace for
ideas is ruled by the need for a division of labor. There are the political actors, the
thinktanks, the activist organizations: some are local phenomena, others have national
and even international scope. Most specialize in domestic policy issues: the
Federal Reserve, tax policy, the preservation of civil liberties. Antiwar.com is the only
"movement" institution that focuses on the foreign policy realm.
The irony here is that Paul himself emphasizes his anti-interventionist
foreign policy views at every opportunity. One of the charming things about watching him
in action is his penchant for going off on a riff about the costs of war in Afghanistan
when he's asked how we solve the debt crisis. Paul's answer is invariably: get rid of the
Empire! It's fun to watch the Washington pundits look nonplussed whenever he refers to
"the Empire." Yes, you can hear the capitalization in his
ironic tone of voice.
Paul has made an important concession for a libertarian, and that is his
pledge to refrain from cutting domestic welfare programs on which the
most vulnerable members of our society have come to depend. His budget proposal
cutting $1 trillion in the first year depends heavily on cuts in the military,
"foreign aid," and other instruments of our hegemonic foreign policy.
The reason is not just tactical: it is ideological. Because Paul -- like his
friend and mentor Murray Rothbard, the libertarian economist and theorist who died in 1995
-- understands that war is the motor that runs the turbine of growing government power. It
is in wartime that the power of the State takes a "great leap forward," and, in
the holy name of "national security," overpowers the private sector and the
realm of freedom.
This is the major reason why a Paul endorsement of Romney is inconceivable:
every time Paul has been asked about this question he's brought up the foreign policy
issue right off the bat. No public figure in sight understands more clearly than Paul what
an absolute disaster an American attack on Iran would be, and it is therefore impossible
to conjure a scenario that includes Paul endorsing a man who criticizes the President for
even keeping up the pretense of negotiating with Tehran.
What does Ron Paul want? In the short term, the goals of the campaign are an
unknown, and indeed that's good strategy. Why let your opponents know what you're up to in
advance? As I pointed out, the risks of the Paulians showing their hand too soon could
have serious consequences in Tampa. Yet all this talk of platform planks, a prime time
speaking spot for either Paul or his son, Sen. Rand Paul (R-Kentucky), or some such
palliative is beside the point because the point is the long term strategy of the
movement, not the day-to-day twists and turns of the narrative.
In the long term, the Paulians are building the political and intellectual
infrastructure that is the scaffolding of any successful movement.
"Published originally at EtherZone.com :
republication allowed with this notice and hyperlink intact."
Justin Raimondo is Editorial
Director of AntiWar.Com.
He is a regular columnist for Ether Zone.
Justin Raimondo may be contacted at egarris@antiwar.com
Published in
the May 21, 2012 issue of Ether Zone.
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